CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908 — Page 375

CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案 All AI Reviewed

2

active trouble in the provinces and a boycott of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co.'s and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank's business.

Mr. Hillier was much concerned at this message and sought my advice.

In view of Sheng's character, his interested position in this affair, and his well-known antagonism to this Legation and Yuan Shih-k'ai, I was not disposed to entertain any overtures from him or to regard too seriously his threats of a boycott. While leaving Mr. Hillier full discretion to lay his view of the situation before the Bank, I deprecated any discussion of the question with Sheng, and advised that the matter should remain strictly in the hands of the Corporation's representative, Mr. Bland.

Mr. Hillier was good enough to fall in with my views and to refrain from any direct participation in the negotiations.

Shêng then turned to Mr. Hippisley, of the Imperial Maritime Customs, with whom he had been associated in the revision of the Commercial Treaties at Shanghae in 1902-3. Mr. Hippisley gave me notice that Sheng had sent for him, and I was accordingly able to tell him in advance that I could only recognize the Wai-wu Pu in this question.

From Mr. Hippisley's account of what passed between them I gather that Shông wished him to state to me that if the British and Chinese Corporation would give up the railway loan, he would get them the financing of an order for gun-boats to patrol the inland waterways. Beyond this vague and impractical suggestion Shêng had little else of importance to say, except as regards the possibility of a boycott. On this point he made the disclosure that such retaliation was out of the question, since the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company's steamers were in a pool with those of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., so that if the latter's fleet was boycotted the China Merchants' steamers would have to carry cargo for them for nothing and share the freight.

Sheng's arrival in Peking was closely followed by that of the provincial Delegates, I have made private inquiries as to whether they had presented themselves at the Wai-wu Pu, and I learnt that they had been invited to visit the Board, but had excused themselves on the plea of fatigue after their journey.

Nevertheless, they have not been too fatigued to hold public meetings, where the determination to resist a loan forced upon them by the Central Government has been reiterated ad nauseam.

Together with the provincial Delegates is a British engineer, Mr. John Forster, who wrote to me for an interview. I had no knowledge of this gentleman, and have only subsequently learnt that he was engaged by Mr. Wang Ta Hsieh, while Minister in England, as engineer for the Chekiang Railway Company. I declined to see him on any business connected with the railway question, but intimated that if he had private or other business he would be received by one of my staff.

He accordingly called, and hinted that he held a Concession that he desired to carry out.

He was told that an Imperial Decree sanctioning the Concession, whatever it might be, must be obtained and be communicated officially to this Legation before we could interest ourselves in it.

He then called upon Mr. Bland and Lord ffrench, from whom I learn that his "Concession is said to be derived from the Chekiang gentry; that it is for the construction of the Soochow-Hangchow-Ningpo Railway; that he is offered a good commission based upon the mileage of the line if he succeeds in getting the British and Chinese Corporation to retire; and that he is prepared to offer to Messrs. Pauling and Co. the construction of the line by contract.

I had purposely refrained for the past ten days from further interviews with the Wai-wu Pu, but now felt that the other side could not be left any longer to pursue their activities unmolested. I accordingly wrote to Prince Ching on the 22nd December asking His Highness if he could receive me at the Wai-wu Pu on the 24th.

His Highness excused himself on the grounds of pressing business, but informed me that the other Ministers would expect me on that date.

At the interview which took place this afternoon I called the serious attention of the Chinese Government to the misrepresentations and hostile attitude of the native press which had been evoked by this question of the railway loan, and warned them most earnestly that the responsibility would be upon their shoulders if disturbances took place as a result of such unbridled agitation. As an example I mentioned the article in the "Universal Gazette" alluded to above, and also showed them that responsible officials, such as the Viceroy at Nanking and Shông, had been pursuing a similar campaign in their official communications. In particular I produced a newspaper purporting to reproduce a secret Memorial of Shêng to the Throne, of recent date, in which he was represented as maintaining that China had not broken faith in the railway question, but that Great Britain had infringed her Agreement with China. I protested against such wilful misrepresentations being laid before the Throne, and asked that steps should be taken for the substantiation or withdrawal of this statement.

3

An official copy of Sheng's Memorial was then produced by the Ministers, and I had to accept their assurance that the newspaper report was inaccurate. Subsequently one of them said to me that Shông's Memorial was "bad enough," but not so bad as the newspapers made out.

I then passed on to the personal responsibility which must fall on Prince Ch'ing for the present situation, and asked that the true facts regarding the issue of the Decree of 1905 granting these railway rights to the gentry should be explained to their Majesties.

Yuan Shih-k'ai stated, in reply, that their Majesties fully knew the facts. The blunder was due to the fact that Prince Ching was charged with so many responsible duties that he had overlooked the consequences of such a Decree. The Government, he admitted, had been slow to rectify matters, but had never departed from the determination to carry out their obligations to us. As regards the newspapers and their campaign of abuse, urgent instructions had been issued for the framing of press laws; and as many of the newspapers were published in foreign Concessions and Settlements, under the names of foreign proprietors, he hoped that the Chinese Government would receive assistance from the Treaty Powers in controlling their activity. He was aware of the Order in Council and Hong Kong Government Ordinance recently issued on this subject, and was grateful to his Majesty's Government for the step.

With reference to the agitation by associations of gentry and students, a very strong Decree had been issued to-day, which he hoped would do good. The Government was quite alive to the danger which beset them, but it was difficult under their system of divided responsibility to get measures passed expeditiously. Too many people had to be consulted.

Turning to the actual question at issue, his Excellency said that the provincial delegation was to wait upon the Wai-wu Pu on the 25th December, when the situation would be carefully explained to them. The Board considered that as soon as the Agreement was published the agitation would subside.

On returning home I found the Decree published in this evening's "Gazette," and have the honour to inclose a translation. It appears to be worded in a satisfactory manner, but whether at this late hour of the day it will have the desired effect I will not venture to prophesy.

I have, &c. (Signed) J. N. JORDAN.

P.S. December 26.-Another strongly worded Decree was issued in last night's "Gazette," bearing upon the question of popular agitation among the educated classes against the established order of things in this country. Though no mention is made of the anti-railway agitation in particular, the issue of this Decree may help to strengthen the hands of the Wai-wu Pu in dealing with the gentry of Chekiang, and I therefore append a translation to this despatch.

(Translation.)

Inclosure 1 in No. 1.

Extract from the “Peking Gazette" of December 24, 1907.

DECREE ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE EMPRESS DOWAGER.

J. N. J.

LAST year we issued Decrees to prepare for the establishment of constitutional government, the intention being that, as a matter of such magnitude and complexity could not be inaugurated immediately, it was first necessary that the supreme power in the State should have in view a complete plan of action, and that the nation should comprehend the duties which it had to fulfil before a system of constitutional government could be promulgated and a date be fixed for its inauguration.

[2856 -1]


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370

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2 active trouble in the provinces and a boycott of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co.'s and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank's business. Mr. Hillier was much concerned at this message and sought my advice. In view of Sheng's character, his interested position in this affair, and his well-known antagonism to this Legation and Yuan Shih-k'ai, I was not disposed to entertain any overtures from him or to regard too seriously his threats of a boycott. While leaving Mr. Hillier full discretion to lay his view of the situation before the Bank, I deprecated any discussion of the question with Sheng, and advised that the matter should remain strictly in the hands of the Corporation's representative, Mr. Bland. Mr. Hillier was good enough to fall in with my views and to refrain from any direct participation in the negotiations. Shêng then turned to Mr. Hippisley, of the Imperial Maritime Customs, with whom he had been associated in the revision of the Commercial Treaties at Shanghae in 1902-3. Mr. Hippisley gave me notice that Sheng had sent for him, and I was accordingly able to tell him in advance that I could only recognize the Wai-wu Pu in this question. From Mr. Hippisley's account of what passed between them I gather that Shông wished him to state to me that if the British and Chinese Corporation would give up the railway loan, he would get them the financing of an order for gun-boats to patrol the inland waterways. Beyond this vague and impractical suggestion Shêng had little else of importance to say, except as regards the possibility of a boycott. On this point he made the disclosure that such retaliation was out of the question, since the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company's steamers were in a pool with those of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., so that if the latter's fleet was boycotted the China Merchants' steamers would have to carry cargo for them for nothing and share the freight. Sheng's arrival in Peking was closely followed by that of the provincial Delegates, I have made private inquiries as to whether they had presented themselves at the Wai-wu Pu, and I learnt that they had been invited to visit the Board, but had excused themselves on the plea of fatigue after their journey. Nevertheless, they have not been too fatigued to hold public meetings, where the determination to resist a loan forced upon them by the Central Government has been reiterated ad nauseam. Together with the provincial Delegates is a British engineer, Mr. John Forster, who wrote to me for an interview. I had no knowledge of this gentleman, and have only subsequently learnt that he was engaged by Mr. Wang Ta Hsieh, while Minister in England, as engineer for the Chekiang Railway Company. I declined to see him on any business connected with the railway question, but intimated that if he had private or other business he would be received by one of my staff. He accordingly called, and hinted that he held a Concession that he desired to carry out. He was told that an Imperial Decree sanctioning the Concession, whatever it might be, must be obtained and be communicated officially to this Legation before we could interest ourselves in it. He then called upon Mr. Bland and Lord ffrench, from whom I learn that his "Concession is said to be derived from the Chekiang gentry; that it is for the construction of the Soochow-Hangchow-Ningpo Railway; that he is offered a good commission based upon the mileage of the line if he succeeds in getting the British and Chinese Corporation to retire; and that he is prepared to offer to Messrs. Pauling and Co. the construction of the line by contract. I had purposely refrained for the past ten days from further interviews with the Wai-wu Pu, but now felt that the other side could not be left any longer to pursue their activities unmolested. I accordingly wrote to Prince Ching on the 22nd December asking His Highness if he could receive me at the Wai-wu Pu on the 24th. His Highness excused himself on the grounds of pressing business, but informed me that the other Ministers would expect me on that date. At the interview which took place this afternoon I called the serious attention of the Chinese Government to the misrepresentations and hostile attitude of the native press which had been evoked by this question of the railway loan, and warned them most earnestly that the responsibility would be upon their shoulders if disturbances took place as a result of such unbridled agitation. As an example I mentioned the article in the "Universal Gazette" alluded to above, and also showed them that responsible officials, such as the Viceroy at Nanking and Shông, had been pursuing a similar campaign in their official communications. In particular I produced a newspaper purporting to reproduce a secret Memorial of Shêng to the Throne, of recent date, in which he was represented as maintaining that China had not broken faith in the railway question, but that Great Britain had infringed her Agreement with China. I protested against such wilful misrepresentations being laid before the Throne, and asked that steps should be taken for the substantiation or withdrawal of this statement. 3 An official copy of Sheng's Memorial was then produced by the Ministers, and I had to accept their assurance that the newspaper report was inaccurate. Subsequently one of them said to me that Shông's Memorial was "bad enough," but not so bad as the newspapers made out. I then passed on to the personal responsibility which must fall on Prince Ch'ing for the present situation, and asked that the true facts regarding the issue of the Decree of 1905 granting these railway rights to the gentry should be explained to their Majesties. Yuan Shih-k'ai stated, in reply, that their Majesties fully knew the facts. The blunder was due to the fact that Prince Ching was charged with so many responsible duties that he had overlooked the consequences of such a Decree. The Government, he admitted, had been slow to rectify matters, but had never departed from the determination to carry out their obligations to us. As regards the newspapers and their campaign of abuse, urgent instructions had been issued for the framing of press laws; and as many of the newspapers were published in foreign Concessions and Settlements, under the names of foreign proprietors, he hoped that the Chinese Government would receive assistance from the Treaty Powers in controlling their activity. He was aware of the Order in Council and Hong Kong Government Ordinance recently issued on this subject, and was grateful to his Majesty's Government for the step. With reference to the agitation by associations of gentry and students, a very strong Decree had been issued to-day, which he hoped would do good. The Government was quite alive to the danger which beset them, but it was difficult under their system of divided responsibility to get measures passed expeditiously. Too many people had to be consulted. Turning to the actual question at issue, his Excellency said that the provincial delegation was to wait upon the Wai-wu Pu on the 25th December, when the situation would be carefully explained to them. The Board considered that as soon as the Agreement was published the agitation would subside. On returning home I found the Decree published in this evening's "Gazette," and have the honour to inclose a translation. It appears to be worded in a satisfactory manner, but whether at this late hour of the day it will have the desired effect I will not venture to prophesy. I have, &c. (Signed) J. N. JORDAN. P.S. December 26.-Another strongly worded Decree was issued in last night's "Gazette," bearing upon the question of popular agitation among the educated classes against the established order of things in this country. Though no mention is made of the anti-railway agitation in particular, the issue of this Decree may help to strengthen the hands of the Wai-wu Pu in dealing with the gentry of Chekiang, and I therefore append a translation to this despatch. (Translation.) Inclosure 1 in No. 1. Extract from the “Peking Gazette" of December 24, 1907. DECREE ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE EMPRESS DOWAGER. J. N. J. LAST year we issued Decrees to prepare for the establishment of constitutional government, the intention being that, as a matter of such magnitude and complexity could not be inaugurated immediately, it was first necessary that the supreme power in the State should have in view a complete plan of action, and that the nation should comprehend the duties which it had to fulfil before a system of constitutional government could be promulgated and a date be fixed for its inauguration. [2856 -1] B 2 370
Baseline (Original)
: : 2 active trouble in the provinces and a boycott of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co.'s and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank's business. Mr. Hillier was much concerned at this message and sought my advice. In view of Sheng's character, his interested position in this affair, and his well-known antagonism to this Legation and Yuan Shih-k'ai, I was not disposed to entertain any overtures from him or to regard too seriously his threats of a boycott. While leaving Mr. Hillier full discretion to lay his view of the situation before the Bank, I deprecated any discussion of the question with Sheng, and advised that the matter should remain strictly in the hands of the Corporation's representative, Mr. Bland. Mr. Hillier was good enough to fall in with my views and to refrain from any direct participation in the negotiations. Shêng then turned to Mr. Hippisley, of the Imperial Maritime Customs, with whom he had been associated in the revision of the Commercial Treaties at Shanghae in 1902-3. Mr. Hippisley gave me notice that Sheng had sent for him, and I was accordingly able to tell him in advance that I could only recognize the Wai-wu Pu in this question. From Mr. Hippisley's account of what passed between them I gather that Shông wished him to state to me that if the British and Chinese Corporation would give up the railway loan, he would get them the financing of an order for gun-boats to patrol the inland waterways. Beyond this vague and impractical suggestion Shêng had little else of importance to say, except as regards the possibility of a boycott. On this point he made the disclosure that such retaliation was out of the question, since the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company's steamers were in a pool with those of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., so that if the latter's fleet was boycotted the China Merchants' steamers would have to carry cargo for them for nothing and share the freight. Sheng's arrival in Peking was closely followed by that of the provincial Delegates, I have made private inquiries as to whether they had presented themselves at the Wai-wn Pu, and I learnt that they had been invited to visit the Board, but had excused themselves on the plea of fatigue after their journey. Nevertheless, they have not been too fatigued to hold public meetings, where the determination to resist a loan forced upon them by the Central Government has been reiterated ad nauseom. Together with the provincial Delegates is a British engineer, Mr. John Forster, who wrote to me for an interview. I had no knowledge of this gentleman, and have only subsequently learnt that he was engaged by Mr. Wang Ta Hsieh, while Minister in England, as engineer for the Chekiang Railway Company. I declined to see him on any business connected with the railway question, but intimated that if he had private or other business he would be received by one of my staff. He accordingly called, and hinted that he held a Concession that he desired to carry out. He was told that an Imperial Decree sanctioning the Concession, whatever it might be, must be obtained and be communicated officially to this Legation before we could interest ourselves in it. He then called upon Mr. Bland and Lord ffrench, from whom I learn that his "Concession is said to be derived from the Chekiang gentry; that it is for the construction of the Soochow-Hangchow-Ningpo Railway; that he is offered a good commission based upon the mileage of the line if he succeeds in getting the British and Chinese Corporation to retire; and that he is prepared to offer to Messrs, Pauling and Co, the construction of the line by contract. I had purposely refrained for the past ten days from further interviews with the Wai-wu Pu, but now felt that the other side could not be left any longer to pursue their activities unmolested. I accordingly wrote to Prince Ching on the 22nd December asking His Highness if he could receive me at the Wai-wu Pu on the 24th. His Highness excused himself on the grounds of pressing business, but informed me that the other Ministers would expect me on that date. At the interview which took place this afternoon I called the serious attention of the Chinese Government to the misrepresentations and hostile attitude of the native press which had been evoked by this question of the railway loan, and warned them most earnestly that the responsibility would be upon their shoulders if disturbances took place as a result of such unbridled agitation. As an example I mentioned the article in the Universal Gazette" alluded to above, and also showed them that responsible officials, such as the Viceroy at Nanking and Shông, had been pursuing a similar campaign in their official communications. In particular I produced a news- 3 paper purporting to reproduce a secret Memorial of Shêng to the Throne, of recent date, in which he was represented as maintaining that China had not broken faith in the railway question, but that Great Britain had infringed her Agreement with China. I protested against such wilful misrepresentations being laid before the Throne, and asked that steps should be taken for the substantiation or withdrawal of this statement. An official copy of Sheng's Memorial was then produced by the Ministers, and I had to accept their assurance that the newspaper report was inaccurate. Subsequently one of them said to me that Shông's Memorial was "bad enough," but not so bad as the newspapers made out. I then passed on to the personal responsibility which must fall on Prince Ch'ing for the present situation, and asked that the true facts regarding the issue of the Decree of 1905 granting these railway rights to the gentry should be explained to their Majesties. Yuan Shih-k'ai stated, in reply, that their Majesties fully knew the facts. The blunder was due to the fact that Prince Ching was charged with so many responsible duties that he had overlooked the consequences of such a Decree. The Government, he admitted, had been slow to rectify matters, but had never departed from the determina- tion to carry out their obligations to us. As regards the newspapers and their campaign of abuse, urgent instructions had been issued for the framing of press laws; and as many of the newspapers were published in foreign Concessions and Settlements, under the names of foreign proprietors, he hoped that the Chinese Government would receive assistance from the Treaty Powers in controlling their activity. He was aware of the Order in Council and Hong Kong Government Ordinance recently issued on this subject, and was grateful to his Majesty's Government for the step. With reference to the agitation by associations of gentry and students, a very strong Decree had been issued to-day, which he hoped would do good. The Government was quite alive to the danger which beset them, but it was difficult under their system of divided responsibility to get measures passed expeditiously. Too many people had to be consulted. Turning to the actual question at issue, his Excellency said that the provincial delegation was to wait upon the Wai-wu Pu on the 25th December, when the situation would be carefully explained to them. The Board considered that as soon as the Agreement was published the agitation would subside, On returning home I found the Decree published in this evening's "Gazette," and have the honour to inclose a translation. It appears to be worded in a satisfactory manner, but whether at this late hour of the day it will have the desired effect I will not venture to prophesy. I have, &c. (Signed) J. N. JORDAN. P.S. December 26.-Another strongly worded Decree was issued in last night's "Gazette," bearing upon the question of popular agitation among the educated classes against the established order of things in this country. Though no mention is made of the anti-railway agitation in particular, the issue of this Decree may help to strengthen the hands of the Wai-wu Pu in dealing with the gentry of Chekiang, and I therefore append a translation to this despatch. (Translation.) Inclosure 1 in No. 1. Extract from the Peking Gazette" of December 24, 1907. DECREE ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE EMPRESS DOWAGER. J. N. J. LAST year we issued Decrees to prepare for the establishment of constitutional government, the intention being that, as a matter of such magnitude and complexity could not be inaugurated immediately, it was orst necessary that the supreme power in the State should have in view a complete plan of action, and that the nation should comprehend the duties which it had to fulfil before a system of constitutional could be promulgated and a date be fixed for its inauguration. [2856 -1] government B 2 370
2026-06-06 05:22:27 · Baseline
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2

active trouble in the provinces and a boycott of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co.'s and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank's business.

Mr. Hillier was much concerned at this message and sought my advice.

In view of Sheng's character, his interested position in this affair, and his well-known antagonism to this Legation and Yuan Shih-k'ai, I was not disposed to entertain any overtures from him or to regard too seriously his threats of a boycott. While leaving Mr. Hillier full discretion to lay his view of the situation before the Bank, I deprecated any discussion of the question with Sheng, and advised that the matter should remain strictly in the hands of the Corporation's representative, Mr. Bland.

Mr. Hillier was good enough to fall in with my views and to refrain from any direct participation in the negotiations.

Shêng then turned to Mr. Hippisley, of the Imperial Maritime Customs, with whom he had been associated in the revision of the Commercial Treaties at Shanghae in 1902-3. Mr. Hippisley gave me notice that Sheng had sent for him, and I was accordingly able to tell him in advance that I could only recognize the Wai-wu Pu in this question.

From Mr. Hippisley's account of what passed between them I gather that Shông wished him to state to me that if the British and Chinese Corporation would give up the railway loan, he would get them the financing of an order for gun-boats to patrol the inland waterways. Beyond this vague and impractical suggestion Shêng had little else of importance to say, except as regards the possibility of a boycott. On this point he made the disclosure that such retaliation was out of the question, since the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company's steamers were in a pool with those of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, and Co., so that if the latter's fleet was boycotted the China Merchants' steamers would have to carry cargo for them for nothing and share the freight.

Sheng's arrival in Peking was closely followed by that of the provincial Delegates, I have made private inquiries as to whether they had presented themselves at the Wai-wn Pu, and I learnt that they had been invited to visit the Board, but had excused themselves on the plea of fatigue after their journey.

Nevertheless, they have not been too fatigued to hold public meetings, where the determination to resist a loan forced upon them by the Central Government has been reiterated ad nauseom.

Together with the provincial Delegates is a British engineer, Mr. John Forster, who wrote to me for an interview. I had no knowledge of this gentleman, and have only subsequently learnt that he was engaged by Mr. Wang Ta Hsieh, while Minister in England, as engineer for the Chekiang Railway Company. I declined to see him on any business connected with the railway question, but intimated that if he had private or other business he would be received by one of my staff.

He accordingly called, and hinted that he held a Concession that he desired to carry out.

He was told that an Imperial Decree sanctioning the Concession, whatever it might be, must be obtained and be communicated officially to this Legation before we could interest ourselves in it.

He then called upon Mr. Bland and Lord ffrench, from whom I learn that his "Concession is said to be derived from the Chekiang gentry; that it is for the construction of the Soochow-Hangchow-Ningpo Railway; that he is offered a good commission based upon the mileage of the line if he succeeds in getting the British and Chinese Corporation to retire; and that he is prepared to offer to Messrs, Pauling and Co, the construction of the line by contract.

I had purposely refrained for the past ten days from further interviews with the Wai-wu Pu, but now felt that the other side could not be left any longer to pursue their activities unmolested. I accordingly wrote to Prince Ching on the 22nd December asking His Highness if he could receive me at the Wai-wu Pu on the 24th.

His Highness excused himself on the grounds of pressing business, but informed me that the other Ministers would expect me on that date.

At the interview which took place this afternoon I called the serious attention of the Chinese Government to the misrepresentations and hostile attitude of the native press which had been evoked by this question of the railway loan, and warned them most earnestly that the responsibility would be upon their shoulders if disturbances took place as a result of such unbridled agitation. As an example I mentioned the article in the Universal Gazette" alluded to above, and also showed them that responsible officials, such as the Viceroy at Nanking and Shông, had been pursuing a similar campaign in their official communications. In particular I produced a news-

3

paper purporting to reproduce a secret Memorial of Shêng to the Throne, of recent date, in which he was represented as maintaining that China had not broken faith in the railway question, but that Great Britain had infringed her Agreement with China. I protested against such wilful misrepresentations being laid before the Throne, and asked that steps should be taken for the substantiation or withdrawal of this

statement.

An official copy of Sheng's Memorial was then produced by the Ministers, and I had to accept their assurance that the newspaper report was inaccurate. Subsequently one of them said to me that Shông's Memorial was "bad enough," but not so bad as the newspapers made out.

I then passed on to the personal responsibility which must fall on Prince Ch'ing for the present situation, and asked that the true facts regarding the issue of the Decree of 1905 granting these railway rights to the gentry should be explained to their Majesties.

Yuan Shih-k'ai stated, in reply, that their Majesties fully knew the facts. The blunder was due to the fact that Prince Ching was charged with so many responsible duties that he had overlooked the consequences of such a Decree. The Government, he admitted, had been slow to rectify matters, but had never departed from the determina- tion to carry out their obligations to us. As regards the newspapers and their campaign of abuse, urgent instructions had been issued for the framing of press laws; and as many of the newspapers were published in foreign Concessions and Settlements, under the names of foreign proprietors, he hoped that the Chinese Government would receive assistance from the Treaty Powers in controlling their activity. He was aware of the Order in Council and Hong Kong Government Ordinance recently issued on this subject, and was grateful to his Majesty's Government for the step.

With reference to the agitation by associations of gentry and students, a very strong Decree had been issued to-day, which he hoped would do good. The Government was quite alive to the danger which beset them, but it was difficult under their system of divided responsibility to get measures passed expeditiously. Too many people had to be consulted.

Turning to the actual question at issue, his Excellency said that the provincial delegation was to wait upon the Wai-wu Pu on the 25th December, when the situation would be carefully explained to them. The Board considered that as soon as the Agreement was published the agitation would subside,

On returning home I found the Decree published in this evening's "Gazette," and have the honour to inclose a translation. It appears to be worded in a satisfactory manner, but whether at this late hour of the day it will have the desired effect I will not venture to prophesy.

I have, &c. (Signed) J. N. JORDAN.

P.S. December 26.-Another strongly worded Decree was issued in last night's "Gazette," bearing upon the question of popular agitation among the educated classes against the established order of things in this country. Though no mention is made of the anti-railway agitation in particular, the issue of this Decree may help to strengthen the hands of the Wai-wu Pu in dealing with the gentry of Chekiang, and I therefore append a translation to this despatch.

(Translation.)

Inclosure 1 in No. 1.

Extract from the “ Peking Gazette" of December 24, 1907.

DECREE ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE EMPRESS DOWAGER.

J. N. J.

LAST year we issued Decrees to prepare for the establishment of constitutional government, the intention being that, as a matter of such magnitude and complexity could not be inaugurated immediately, it was orst necessary that the supreme power in the State should have in view a complete plan of action, and that the nation should comprehend the duties which it had to fulfil before a system of constitutional could be promulgated and a date be fixed for its inauguration.

[2856 -1]

government

B 2

370

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